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EXPLOSIONS IN TASHKENT: The Background 

B.Raman   

On February 16,1999, there were a series of  six car bomb explosions in Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan, killing, according to official accounts, 16 persons and injuring  130 others.

The explosions took place near the headquarters of the Council of Ministers where President  Islam Karimov was to preside over a Cabinet meeting, outside a nearby cinema hall, near the office of the Interior Ministry, outside the Traffic Police headquarters and a building owned by the national bank.

While no organisation claimed responsibility for the explosions, the Uzbek authorities, including President  Karimov himself, projected the explosions as an abortive attempt by Islamic extremist elements to assassinate the President.

However, Russian experts, including  Dr.Sergei Abashin, an expert on Uzbekistan  at the Anthropology and Ethnology Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences, while not ruling out the involvement of Islamic fanatics, drew attention also to the possibility of the political opponents of  Karimov hiring local mafia groups to eliminate the President due to personal and political grudge.

In this connection, they drew attention to the dismissal by Karimov last autumn of  Ismail Dzhurabekov from the post of First Deputy Prime Minister. The latter is alleged to have close nexus with local mafia groups.

Uzbekistan has a total population (according to 1991 figures) of  19.8 million, of whom the Uzbeks constitute 71 per cent ( 14.1 million ), the Russians 8 per cent ( 1.7 million), the Tajiks 5 per cent (0.93 million ) and the Kazakhs 4 per cent ( 0.81 million ). The remaining belong to other ethnic groups like the Kyrgyz, the Turkmen, etc.

There is a large Uzbek diaspora spread over Central Asia, with the Uzbeks constituting 24 per cent of the population of Tajikistan, 13 per cent of the population of Kyrgyzstan, 9 per cent of the population of Turkmenistan and 2 per cent of  the population of Kazakhstan. Uzbeks also constitute the largest single ethnic group in the areas of Northern Afghanistan around Mazar-e-Sharif.

The politics of Central Asia is, therefore, always marked by a subterranean fear of  Uzbek hegemony and  irredentism. The fears of irredentism are particularly strong in Tajikistan and arise from the fact that the Uzbeks look upon the Tajiks as nothing but Persianised Uzbeks and that a separate state of Tajikistan was created by the erstwhile USSR in 1929  by separating the Tajik areas from Uzbekistan, a separation to which the Uzbeks were never reconciled. The separation, at the same time, created feelings of dissatisfaction in Tajikistan due to the fact that Uzbekistan retained the historic cities of  Bukhara and Samarkand despite the fact that the Tajiks constituted over 75 per cent of their population at the time of the partition. 

The regime of Karimov has been the target of the ire of the Islamic extremist elements due to the following reasons:  The assistance allegedly given by the Karimov Government to the Uzbeks of  Afghanistan led by  Rashid Dostum to counter the Taliban of the Pashtoons. The assistance given by it to the Government of Tajikistan to counter the activities of the Islamic extremist elements against the Tajik Government.  The Islamic extremist elements of  the Central Asian Republics and Afghanistan have been accusing the Karimov Government of acting as Russia’s gendarme to crush the influence of Islamic religious elements.

While the vast majority of the Muslims of Central Asia are Sunnis, there are ethnic differences between the Persian-origin Tajiks and the Turkic Uzbeks. Karimov, like Nursultan Nazarbaev of Kazakhstan  and Saparmurad  Niazov of Turkmenistan, wielded local power in the pre-1991 USSR as the head of the local Communist party apparatus before becoming President of the new republic born after the collapse of the USSR.

Because of this, while allowing Islam a greater space to operate, he retains the old communist distrust of religion and religious fanatics and keeps a tight control over Islamic religious activities through Mukhtarjan Abdullo Al-Bukhari, the state-appointed Mufti of Uzbekistan.

To placate the religious elements, Karimov has increased the number of mosques in the Republic from 80 in 1991 to 5,000. The number of Muslims permitted to go on Haj every year has increased from less than a dozen in 1991 to 4,000. At the same time, the Mufti, acting under the directives of the Government, exercises tight control by granting permission for the opening of new mosques and madrasas (religious schools) to only persons of proved loyalty, keeping a tight surveillance over the activities of the approved mosques and madrasas through the state intelligence agencies and by ordering the closure of the mosques and madrasas and dismissing the imams, suspected to be indulging in undesirable activities.

Amongst activities considered undesirable by the Government and its Mufti are advising women to wear a veil, using loudspeakers for the prayers etc. The tight control sought to be exercised by the Government through its Mufti over religious organisations and religious practices has given rise to increasing resentment amongst sections of the local population, particularly amongst the Tajiks, who were initially more susceptible to extremist religious influences than the Uzbeks due to their interactions with the anti-Government Islamic extremist elements of Tajikistan.

Since the Tajiks of Uzbekistan are mainly concentrated  in the Uzbekistan portion of the Ferghana Valley, which traverses Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, this area saw the beginning of  Islamic extremist activities and, from there, these have spread to  other parts of the country.

The extremist movement in the Ferghana region of Uzbekistan was started by the Adolat Party , which has been banned. Its leader Khokim Satimov has been in detention since 1993. Abdulvali Mirzoev, the former Imam of  the Andijan mosque in the Valley, who, like Sayid Abdullo Nuri, the leader of  the Islamic extremist opposition of Tajikistan, had his religious training in Pakistan, has disappeared since 1995.

In August 1995, Mirzoev and his assistant Ramazanbek  Matkarimov allegedly disappeared from the Tashkent airport while waiting to board a flight. Nothing has been heard of them since then and their mosque was closed after their disappearance.

There were demonstrations in 1995 in Tashkent when the Mufti ordered the closure of  the Tokhtobou mosque of the city and the removal of its Imam, Abid Khan Nazarov. He allegedly advised women to wear a veil, refused to officiate at funeral services for Muslims who were not regularly attending the prayers and to solemnise weddings if there was music or dancing during the celebration. The followers of Nazarov alleged that the Mufti and the Government authorities accused him of trying to turn Uzbekistan into a Saudi Arabia. 

Alarmed by the increasing influence of orthodox religious elements, the Karimov Government ordered a crackdown in January,1998, during which loudspeakers were forcibly removed from mosques and hundreds of protesters, including about 100 veiled women, were detained. 

Following these incidents, Abdulaziz Kamilov, the Foreign Minister of Uzbekistan, accused on February 17,1998, three Islamic organisations of Pakistan---the Markaz Dawa Al Irshad, the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (formerly known as the Harkat-ul-Ansar) and the Tablighi Jamaat--- of  training about 400 Islamic extremists of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in order to have the Governments of these countries overthrown and set up an Islamic regime there.
He said in his statement: 

An impression is gathering in Uzbekistan that such activity on the part of  certain extremist forces, who stand outside the parameters of  law prevailing in Pakistan, are beyond the control of governmental bodies there.

According to information available from different sources, about 400 people from Central Asia, mainly from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, are undergoing training at the present moment in clandestine training centres on Pakistani territory. In particular, in madrasas  such as the Jume-ul-Sanifiya (Islamabad) and Tabon (Mardan) ideological training is being imparted while in the region of the Arbat Road  (Peshawar) and the villages of Jalhoz, Shamshatu  and Okulli Hatta in Peshawar and in Karachi, there are training centres where special training for Islamic militants is being imparted.

In the process of training these young people, who are inexperienced in life and who lack clear views or outlook, extremist ideas are propagated and instilled into them along with ideas of jihad and Wahabism.

The ultimate aim of the activities  in these centres, which were carried out, to our mind, without the knowledge of the official authorities in Pakistan, is to train violent, fanatic followers of  extremist religious ideology which has nothing in common with the peace-loving principles of Islam.

Groups of militants are constituted out of  these people who are trained to carry out  terrorist acts and to destabilise the situation , to fight against the constitutional system and, ultimately, to establish Islamic states of  extremist form and content on the territory of Central Asia. The law enforcement authorities are in possession of  a lot of facts to confirm this assertion.

He also revealed that Pakistan’s Ambassador in Uzbekistan had been given all these details and a request had been conveyed to the Government of Pakistan to put a stop to these activities from its territory.

In their response, the Pakistani authorities denied that any such activities were taking place from their territory.

In May, 1998, the Uzbek authorities began a series of public trials of Wahabi extremists. In May itself, 12 extremists were sentenced to between five and eight years of imprisonment. This was followed by the sentencing of seven others on June 6,1998, by the Supreme Court of Uzbekistan to between 6 and 10 years of imprisonment.

While sentencing them, the Supreme Court said: “These fanatical supporters of Wahabism  tried to destabilise the situation, undermine confidence in the judicial system and set up an Islamic State in Uzbekistan.”

In the first week of May,1998, President Boris Yeltsin of Russia and President Karimov met in Moscow to discuss the growing Wahabi extremist threat to the internal security and stability of  the region. They announced the formation of a “Troika Alliance” to counter this and claimed that President Imomali Rakhmonov of Tajikistan, who did not attend the meeting, had given his consent to the proposed alliance over telephone.

The alliance would involve exchange of intelligence and co-ordinated operations to detect and neutralise the activities of the extremists and their external supporters. After the meeting, Karimov said: “ The Troika will be concerned not only with questions of stabilising the situation and ending confrontation in Tajikistan, but will also handle issues pertaining to the rehabilitation of the Tajik economy and opposition to aggressive nationalism, religious fundamentalism and extremism.”
         Yeltsin said:  “We feel the need to lend a strategic character to our relations in the face of  an ideological threat from the south.”
         Commenting on the alliance, Oleg Panfilov, Deputy Editor of the “Tsentralnaya Azia, a Moscow journal specialising on Central Asia, said:  “Karimov has come to Moscow to forge military and economic ties with Russia, while keeping his distance from the Kremlin politically. The Uzbek leader seeks Russia’s military assistance  in the face of continuing fighting in Afghanistan and lingering instability in Tajikistan which is destabilising the situation in Uzbekistan’s Ferghana Valley populated mostly by Tajiks.”

This was followed by a meeting of the Interior Ministers of Russia, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan at Tashkent in the first week of June,1998. After the meeting, Sergei Stepashin, the Russian Interior Minister, said: “ For Russia, Wahabism is no longer a theoretical problem. We must trace the flow of money and guns to Wahabis and the establishment of their military training camps.” He called for the setting-up of a special unit within the newly-established CIS co-ordination bureau to fight religious extremism.

Zakir Almatov, the Uzbek Interior Minister, said that the Wahabis of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan  were linking up with the extremists of Georgia and Chechnya and that five Wahabi extremist groups had been arrested in Uzbekistan since the beginning of 1997. The Kyrgyz Interior Minister said that his Government would consider joining the “Troika Alliance.”

The Russian Federal Security Service expelled on November 26,1998, six members of the Tablighi Jamaat of Pakistan after accusing them of fomenting tension in the Muslim-inhabited areas of Russia. A press statement by the FSS said : “While preaching Wahabism in the Bashkortostan region in the southern Ural mountains, the Pakistanis made anti-Russian remarks aimed at fuelling ethnic and religious hostility and offending the dignity of other religious groups.” The FSS also accused them of recruiting Muslims to fight in regional conflicts.

Two significant aspects of the allegations so far made by the Uzbek authorities need to be underlined:
 

* While they have named three organisations of Pakistan as instigators of religious extremism and violence in Uzbekistan, they have refrained from naming the Taliban of Afghanistan.

* They have tried to give the benefit of doubt to the Government of Pakistan by saying that the Pakistani Government and its agencies do not seem to be aware of these activities from their territory and, even if they were aware, were unable to control them.

The roots of the post-1988 Wahabi extremist activities, whether in the Southern Philippines, in Myanmar, in Bangla Desh, in India, in the Xinjiang province of China, in Central Asia, in Chechnya or elsewhere are all to be found in Pakistan, with the Markaz Dawa Al Irshad and its militant wing the Lashkar-e-Toiba, the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and the Tablighi Jamaat being responsible for them.

It is inconceivable that the Pakistani authorities are not aware of what is going on from their territory. Since 1995, the Pakistani press itself has published detailed accounts of the activities of these organisations and of the links of important establishment personalities such as President Mohammad Rafique Tarar, Mushahid Hussain, the Minister in charge of Press relations in Nawaz Sharif's Cabinet, and Lt.Gen. (Retd) Javed Nasir, former Director-General of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and presently intelligence adviser to Sharif, with these organisations. Last year, Mushahid Hussain had publicly visited the training centre of the Markaz and its Lashkar at Muridke, near Lahore. Surprisingly, Mushahid Hussain has cordial relations with the Wahabi extremist groups in Pakistan, despite his being a  Shia.

The only possible conclusion is that to avoid a threat to the internal security and stability of Pakistan from these organisations, the Pakistani authorities prefer to keep them preoccupied with their external adventures.

The Markaz and its militant wing, the Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen are members of the International Islamic Front For Jihad Against the US and Israel formed by Osama alias Osman Bin Laden last year. Both these organisations have close links with the Taliban.

Though the Uzbek authorities have not blamed the Taliban by name for the activities of the Wahabi extremists in their territory, they are greatly concerned over the future plans of the Taliban. The “Muslim”, a Pakistani daily, reported on August 26,1998, that maps displayed by the Taliban in areas controlled by it in Afghanistan showed  Tashkent, Bukhara, Dushanbe,Isfahan and New Delhi as future targets of the Taliban after it had consolidated its hold in Afghanistan.

Please refer to the paper titled the “Markaz Dawa Al Irshad—The Talibanisation of Nuclear Pakistan.”   An updated version on Harkat will follow. 

8-3-99

(The writer is Additional Secretary (Retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India and  presently Director,Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai.E-mail: corde@vsnl.com )

  

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