South Asia Analysis Group 


Paper no.267

03. 07. 2001

  

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India - Pakistan Agra Summit 2001: The imponderables

by Dr. Subhash Kapila

In the history of India-Pakistan relationship the Agra Summit between Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee and Pakistan’s President Pervez Musharraf (July 14-16, 2001) has emerged as the most over-analysed event in the recent times.  In a way, rightly so, because the antagonistic and combative confrontation of the last 53 years has not brought about any solution to the contentious issues.  This is a fact which Pakistan has yet to admit as the prime initiator of wars and proxy wars in South Asia.  Imperatives for peace between India and Pakistan, therefore exist but to achieve peace, it takes two to do the tango.

The compulsions which have prompted both India and Pakistan stand over-analysed in the media and various seminars that have abounded in the last two months or so.  They do not deserve repetition here.  The pious hopes for peace emerging in South Asia from the Agra Summit is a laudable aspiration but in this yearning for peace, serious analysts of the India-Pakistan scene cannot afford to ignore the imponderables that hover over this Summit and which cannot be wished away.

Historical Baggage: The historical baggage that each side will carry to the Summit is heavy and cannot easily be jettisoned.  Mutual suspicions and distrust between the two countries does not arise from Kashmir.  Kashmir is only the symptom of the larger disease i.e. the centuries old Hindu-Muslim divide.  What is of recent origin is Pakistan’s irreconcilable attitude of accepting Pakistan’s asymmetrical status vis-a vis India in South Asia- politically, economically and militarily.  India can do very little in this matter. Pakistan has to come to grips with this reality.

International Pressures: The United States has exerted immense pressure in bringing India and Pakistan to the negotiation table.  The flurry of open visits of senior US officials to both countries and vice versa in the preceding period are indicative of this pressure.  The US pressure arises not from any pious intention to bring peace in South Asia but from the larger strategic requirements of USA to bail out Pakistan from its descent into Islamic fundamentalism and Talibanisation.  Pakistan has once again emerged as a ‘front-line’ state in the US strategy for its Central Asian policies.  The danger for India arises in that the United States in the event of lack of substantial progress at the Agra Summit may push hard for third party mediation or an enlarged international summit to address the issue.  India must be prepared to counter such pressures.

Agra Summit - A Continuum or New Beginning? This is a basic fundamental divide existing in India-Pakistan perceptions.  India believes and maintains that the Agra Summit must be viewed as a continuum of the Simla Agreement and the Lahore Accords, both of which emphasised the need for bilateralism in resolution of conflicts and the maintenance of peace by both sides.  President Musharraf comes to Agra Summit with the tainted record of Kargil which was a repudiation of both accords. Expectedly, he has maintained and will continue to  maintain at the Agra Summit, that any peace negotiations have to begin afresh divorced from the Simla Agreement and Lahore Accord.  It is difficult to visualise how India will pin-down President on this account.

Pakistan Army & The ISI Factor: Many learned Indian pundits are maintaining that the Pakistan Army is a very disciplined force and will acquiesce with any peaceful initiative that will be arrived at between the Vajpayee-Musharraf duo.  Since nothing substantial on Kashmir is likely to emerge at the Agra Summit because of entrenched position of both sides, the Pakistan Army and ISI are unlikely to give up the proxy war in Kashmir.  Conversely, it may suit their vested interests not to let peace emerge at the Agra Summit, should Musharraf in pursuance of his ‘man of destiny’ ambition  feel so inclined.  Musharraf would be hard pressed to ignore Pakistan Army & the ISI on these issues.

China’s Role of Spoiler: Peace in South Asia and any re-conciliation in India-Pakistan relations runs contrary to China’s strategic interests in South Asia though China seems to have altered tack on Kashmir in recent years.  This arose more from the dangers of the principle of self-determination then also  being applied to Tibet and Xinjiang.  In pursuance of  China's strategic aims it has a vested interest in spoiling the chances of peace emerging from the Agra Summit, in any dramatic manner.  The ISI and a strong clique of pro-China Pak army generals would be the instruments for such  Chinese spoiling attempts.  It is being said that the trio of Pak Army generals who brought Musharraf to power are the ones with the strongest links with China.

Vajpayee-Musharraf Competing Backgrounds: At the Agra Summit, the two leaders attempting a dialogue and reconciliation between India and Pakistan come with stark competing backgrounds.  India is represented by a man of peace, an idealist in the Nehruvian mould, a poet given to musing.  Pakistan will be represented by a man of war, who only two years ago launched Kargil war on India and who has done precious little to stop the proxy war in J&K state.  The cessation of shelling and firing on the LOC by Musharraf was not a confidence building measure.  It was to restrain India from continuance of its pro-active policy of artillery shelling deep into PoK.  It was also because Pakistan could not bear the economic costs and depletion of its strategic reserves of ammunition.  Pakistan could not afford the attrition.  With such different backgrounds and psychological conditioning, it is difficult to visualise how the two leaders could compete to bring peace to South Asia.

Media Hype: In strange contrast to Pakistan, India has witnessed an alarmingly disproportionate media hype.  Media pundits may argue that the Pakistani media is restrained because they view Musharraf as an usurper.  This is a partial excuse.  Pak media is restrained, because perhaps realistically, it assesses that nothing much can be expected from the Agra Summit.

Concluding Observations: The Agra Summit, two weeks hence, could be optimistically viewed as useful provided Pakistan and President Musharraf view it as a continuum of the Simla Agreement and the Lahore Accord.  Devoid of this, President Musharraf’s coming to Agra can only be viewed as a tactical ploy to bail out Pakistan from its current international isolation and not as a strategic aspiration for the promotion of peace between India and Pakistan.  The central issue at the Agra Summit cannot be Kashmir, Siachen or cessation of Islamic terrorism in J&K and the rest of India.  The fundamental issue at the Agra Summit for Pakistan should be to re-define its historically-riven and traditionally conditioned attitudes to India, from suspicion to trust.

(Dr. Subhash Kapila is an International Relations and Strategic Affairs analyst. He can be reached on e-mail for discussion at esdecom@vsnl.com)

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